"West Bengal is full of anti-socials and a lack of opportunities. It's Waste Bangal now, thanks to your CM." This is what we, Bengalis, hear from our fellow Indians from other states whenever we interact with them on social media or face-to-face, not to mention the innumerable taunting and teasing that follow. But what exactly led to this so-called 'waste' of a state? Well, I've a theory.
There’s a simple truth that holds in both homes and nations -
If you hoard, you rot.
Have you ever heard of Homer and Langley Collyer, known as the Collyer Brothers? They are the two American brothers who became infamous for their bizarre natures and compulsive hoarding. Let me give you a short introduction for those unfamiliar with them.
The Collyer Brothers were both highly educated. They lived in a four-story brownstone in Harlem, located at 2078 Fifth Avenue, at the corner of 128th Street in New York City. Over the years, the brothers amassed over 140 tons (127,000 kg) of possessions, comprising pianos, bicycles, chandeliers, books, medical instruments, baby carriages, rusty tools, and mountains of newspapers stacked to the ceilings. When they died, their rotten bodies were found among the heaps of stockpiled rubbish inside their apartment.
Their story became a cautionary tale about obsession, fear, mental illness, and the dangers of unchecked isolation. Today, the term “Collyer Brothers Syndrome” is often used to describe severe cases of hoarding.
Now you must be wondering what this medical condition has to do with West Bengal and Bengalis.
Well, metaphorically speaking, a lot.
Just as the Collyers could not let go of old junkies, many in Bengal and among Bengalis still cling to the glorious days of Renaissance Bengal, of Rabindranath Tagore and Satyajit Ray, of Karl Marx and rebellion. While the world changed, Bengal often chose nostalgia over pragmatism, sentiment over progress and last but not least, political ideologies over practical sense.
Let me give you a vivid picture of the present scenario.
Hoarding Steals Our Space and Peace
In the microcosm of a household, when we accumulate endlessly - broken chairs, rusted utensils, old receipts, unused boxes - we eventually find ourselves wading through a sea of useless clutter. Not only does it steal our space, but it also steals our peace.
Now extend that image to society in the macro sense.
Imagine a society that hoards outdated ideologies, non-functioning institutions, worn-out systems, and elements that no longer serve the collective good. The mess becomes more than physical. It begins to choke thought, innovation, and hope. And just like in a home, if no one cleans it up, it decays from within.
West Bengal: A House Left to Clutter by Her Own People
What Bengal thinks today, India thinks tomorrow.
As goes the saying, West Bengal was once a beacon of modern Indian thought. The land once birthed the Bengal Renaissance, where Tagore wrote poetry that transcended borders and brought the very first Nobel prize in Literature for India, where thinkers debated over global topics and metaphysics over cups of tea, and where industry thrived along the banks of the Hooghly. The state stood tall at the crossroads of literature, industry, reform, and revolution.
Hasn't the saying been reversed in the modern era to: While India builds, Bengal broods?
In the past 40 years or so, the state of West Bengal has slowly become a house with too many rooms locked, and too much dust unacknowledged, leading to an overall degradation of both its industrial infrastructure and imagination.
So, what exactly happened here?
West Bengal finds itself weighed down by the very baggage it refused to throw away!
A state that once set the national standard in education, arts, industry, and intellectual reform, cannot chuck away the following:-
🔸Political Ideologies That No Longer Solve Present-Day Problems
The Marxist government of West Bengal came to power in 1977, marking the beginning of its deep institutional engagement with trade unions. Throughout the period of the 80s and 90s, Bengal clung tightly to the ideology of militant labour struggle under their leadership that once inspired resistance against oppression. Socialism, Marxism, and peasant movements were not just theories here; they were lifelines in turbulent times. But what was once revolutionary became ritualistic, and soon it was felt that disruptions in industrial activity due to such upsurges caused more harm than good for the state of West Bengal.
As soon as the party's status as a “feel-good” party solidified, it gradually lost the sharp edge that once set it apart from other political forces. Over time, as power became more of a guarantee than a goal, the party began attracting the wrong shades of people - opportunists, careerists, and hangers-on, who had no moral compass or desire to serve the public. These individuals were and are nothing but the social debris of a society that clogged the arteries of the party. They were neither willing to build anything new nor did they want any reform. The party began to resemble a corporate entity more than a political movement, prioritising numbers over conviction.
Over time, the same ideologies that promised empowerment began to resist change, punish enterprise, and discourage private ambition. Innovation was replaced by slogans. Protest became performance. Progress, a postponed dream. The then Left Front government gradually distanced itself from the real concerns of the working class, leaving them to stagnate and decay in a system that no longer served their interests.
These dead weights proved nearly impossible to shake off. The party, blinded by its obsession with numbers in the vote bank and control, was unwilling to lose them. Instead, they allowed mediocrity, corruption, and inertia to settle deep within the arteries of society.
🔸New Regime, Same Old Junk
The regime may have changed, but the debris remained the same; they only relocated. It is like someone shifting homes but carrying along sacks of old junk, rusted tools, and broken furniture; the dead weight of one house quietly finds space in the next. The faces changed, the flags changed, but the clutter, unproductive, corrupt, and resistant to reform, simply settled into new corners, continuing to rot the foundation from within.
🔸Over-Politicisation of Daily Life
For many Bengalis, politics is not just a pastime, it’s a seasoning of life.
In West Bengal, politics has seeped into the very fabric of everyday life. From college unions to workplace committees, from neighbourhood clubs to cultural associations, everything is viewed through a political lens. No space is truly apolitical anymore.
This over-politicisation means that even the most mundane aspects of civic life, where a road repair, a school function, or even a medical appointment, can become battlegrounds for political allegiance. Instead of functioning as neutral spaces for community development or service delivery, institutions are co-opted as platforms for political assertion and control.
The Cost of Constant Politicisation in West Bengal:-
- Clash of Merit vs. Loyalty: A culture of polarisation sidelined merit in favour of political loyalty, reducing opportunities for the deserving.
- Confrontation over Cooperation: Productive dialogue is replaced by constant ideological conflict, hindering consensus and action.
- Identity through Ideology: People began to define themselves and others primarily through political affiliations, creating social rifts and mistrust.
- Youth Disillusionment: Young intelligent people lost faith in politics, not from apathy, but from witnessing good ideas being twisted into party propaganda.
- Performative Citizenship: Daily life turned into an arena of ideological performance, where gestures matter more than results.
- Erosion of Civic Life: The politicisation of everything weakens society’s ability to function creatively, freely, and constructively.
- From Debate to Division: A region once rich in intellectual debate and dissent devolves into a battleground of power struggles, stalling genuine progress.
Some say Bengalis love biryani on every occasion - be it a wedding ceremony or birthday, celebrations of achievements or a casual Sunday meal. But if you overconsume it, the once-flavorful spice thickens into undigested grease, leaving the system bloated and sick. What once added taste now only causes discomfort. Like the spices in biryani, politics has become an inseparable ingredient in their daily lives, whether needed or not, clouding judgment, blocking reform, and preventing the space needed for new, pragmatic ideas to breathe.
🔸Practice of Pseudo-secularism For Vote Bank Politics
Indians and Indian politics are considered secular in nature. Secularism is the principle that advocates for the separation of religion from political, governmental, and public affairs. In a truly secular society, no religion is given special treatment by the state, and people of all religious beliefs are treated equally under the law. It promotes a neutral stance by the government, ensuring that religious beliefs do not influence policy decisions and that people are free to practice their faith without interference. But do we feel that being practised in the present-day context? No.
The reason is that Indian politics is filled with pseudo-secularist ideas and practices. Pseudo-secularism refers to a situation where political leaders or governments claim to be secular but, in practice, use the concept of secularism for political gain or to appease a particular community or group. It’s essentially a distorted or superficial form of secularism. In pseudo-secularism, the state might favour one community over others under the guise of secularism, or selectively apply policies that disproportionately benefit one religious or cultural group while neglecting others.
Pseudo-secularism is another layer of junk that has cluttered West Bengal's progress. This vote-bank politics, driven by the appeasement of one community over others, created an illusion of inclusivity while fostering division. In this pursuit of short-term political gains, the focus shifted from genuine development to pandering to a specific group, all in the name of secularism. The state not only disregarded the needs and rights of others but also undermined its economic resources. This sort of selective prioritisation drained the state's coffers, leading to the misallocation of funds, weakening of public services, and a lack of cohesive growth.
The long-term consequences are devastating, as is evident from the present scenario. The unity of the state has eroded, with social and economic disparities widening. Meanwhile, the state’s reputation has taken a hard hit both nationally and internationally. The Bengalis, who once prided themselves on their intellectual and cultural contributions, now find themselves associated with a system that perpetuates inequality and division, favouring anti-social elements over genuine candidates under the guise of secularism.
Despite the damage done by pseudo-secularism, many Bengalis, like other communities across India, find it hard to let go of this deeply ingrained political mindset. It's difficult to discard because it's been institutionalised over decades. The need of the hour is to break free from this dependency on "pseudo-secular" rhetoric and think critically about the long-term well-being of the state. They should push for real reforms, social cohesion, and economic growth rather than clinging to political strategies that have only held Bengal back.
🔸A culture of blame-shifting, often directed toward "outsiders"
Over the decades, as decay began to set in, introspection gave way to deflection. Rather than acknowledging internal dysfunction, the blame was conveniently pushed onto “outsiders” - central governments, migrants, other states, or even global forces. This habit became a defence mechanism, allowing institutions and individuals alike to avoid accountability.
Bengali politicians saw themselves as victims of external sabotage rather than agents of their own decline. This narrative helped them evade the burden of reform and conveniently mask their own policy failures and complacency.
Meanwhile, the ordinary Bengali, once a proud participant in protest and political discourse, gradually withdrew. Disillusioned by broken promises and fearful of political backlash, many chose flight over fight. Protesting became dangerous, and dissent became a liability. And so, instead of reclaiming the battlefield, they quietly slipped away to other states, other countries, or deeper into apathy.
What could they do? Risk their jobs, reputations, or even personal safety? Avoiding political wrath became a survival strategy, and silence turned into a coping mechanism. The state-house, thus filled with junk, debris and dust, crumbled slowly, not just because of those who wrecked it, but also because those who might have saved it stayed away.
Outsourcing the Cleanup? A Dangerous Illusion
When your home is dirty, you can call cleaners. You pay them for their job, they clean, and they leave, because that's their job. But when a society is broken, you cannot outsource integrity.
In a micro sense, it's akin to leaving your house unclean and then handing the keys to your neighbour, asking him to "clean up" the mess for you. What would happen?
- The neighbour won't have the same emotional or personal attachment to your space, so their cleaning might not align with your values or priorities.
- They might throw out things you care about, move things around in a way that doesn’t make sense to you, or fail to understand the true needs of the house.
- They may clean for their own convenience, without considering the deeper, more personal requirements of maintaining a home.
- The neighbour might have their own agenda. They might focus on areas that benefit them, neglecting the spaces that are truly important to you.
- The neighbour’s quick fixes might not be sustainable or thoughtful in the long run. The clutter could build up again, as they haven’t invested in the proper cleaning habits or tools, only acting out of obligation rather than care.
- If the neighbour has ulterior motives, things could get even worse. Not only might they clean your house in a way that doesn’t align with your needs, but they might also take advantage of the situation. They could begin to make decisions that benefit them, disregarding your ownership or interests altogether. They might even claim your house as their own, slowly taking control under the guise of cleaning or improving it, leaving you with nothing.
Ultimately, the result is devastating. You give an unknown, unrelated person one entry into your house, and there is are high chance you lose the ownership of your property.
Most Bengalis or people living in West Bengal have a habit of looking to "others" - new investors, new governments, new faces - to clean the mess that has taken decades to build. But political decay is not like garbage that can be cleared by a municipal truck once a week. It has already embedded itself in institutions, attitudes, and daily behaviours of the people of the state. No external actor, however well-meaning, can truly cleanse a system without the will and participation of the people inside it.
The belief that the central government will step in like a parental figure and "clean up" Bengal still lingers among many Bengalis, though it’s increasingly being questioned. And when reforms do come from the outside, they often lack sensitivity to local realities, meet resistance, and are either watered down or co-opted.
Here's the uncomfortable truth: You cannot reclaim a home you abandoned to outsiders. Can you?
The Pitfalls of Outsourcing the Cleanup
- Central Government’s Interests Aren’t Always Aligned: Their primary goal is often political dominance, not deep socio-cultural reform.
- One-Size-Fits-All Governance Fails Locally: Bengal’s unique challenges (cultural, historical, economic) cannot be solved through uniform, top-down methods.
- Lack of Sustained Focus: The Centre’s attention is fragmented across many states and national priorities. Bengal becomes just one tile in a larger mosaic, important only around election cycles.
- Dictation of Terms in Favour of Party Cadres: We have often experienced that the loyalty and actions of the party cadres are dictated by party interests rather than local needs, and continue to act as middlemen between the party's leadership and the ground reality. It is least likely that the terms of governance in the state under the new regime will be shaped by the lived experience of ordinary Bengalis. Instead, they will be well-crafted to suit the ambitions of party affiliates, sidelining genuine local concerns.
- The Debris of the Old Regime Remains Functioning: The transfer of power doesn’t mark the end of the old regime’s legacy; instead, it signals the handover of its lingering burdens. The same old party leaders and cadres with the same old mindset will change the colour of the flag they serve and will continue to serve their age-old political ideologies and build up more junk in society. The new regime, eager to hold back the takht they have conquered with the help of these cadres, instead of cleaning up the mess, will find itself unable or unwilling to do so.
- Terms in Favour of Outside Investors: The local economy, talent, and industries will languish, and the outsiders, often from corporate backgrounds or connected to national parties, will be allowed to dictate terms in favour of their business ventures in the state. Their investments will rarely benefit the local community in any meaningful way. Local Bengalis will go on struggling to make a living, while large corporations come in, strip the state’s resources, and leave behind little more than a promise of "jobs" that will never quite materialise in favour of the Bengalis. The wealth that should be circulating within Bengal's economy will flow out, enriching outsiders, while the lives of the Bengalis will remain stuck in stagnation.
- Systematic Ousting of Locals and Ethnic Cleansing in the Name of ‘State Cleaning’: In the name of "cleaning" the state of unwanted elements, the new regime may play to populist rhetoric, targeting Bengalis as "illegal immigrants". There are high chances of the Bengalis being sidelined as marginalised communities. This approach, however, isn't about genuine reform; it’s an exercise in ethnic cleansing, systematically ousting those seen as "outsiders" to appease the more dominant voter base coming down to the state to settle down permanently.
Thus, when a society begins to believe that its problems will be solved by someone else - an external leader, a different party, a new government, or even a benevolent bureaucracy, it gives up ownership of its own mess. In Bengal’s case, this illusion has proven especially dangerous.
Conclusion
If the soul of Bengal is to be revived, it must be Bengalis who rise, not as nostalgic poets of past glories, but as fierce custodians of their future. No one else will fight for your soil the way you can. And if you don’t fight, someone else will take your place in the name of cleaning your house and call it theirs.
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